Author: business

  • FTAV’s Friday charts quiz (Thursday edition)

    FTAV’s Friday charts quiz (Thursday edition)

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    It’s Friday Thursday, Friday Thursday, gotta name charts on Friday Thursday.

    About two thousand years ago a semi-successful execution took place, and as a result you have two extra days to figure out the identities of the charts below.

    If you believe you have succeeded, to send your answers to [email protected] with the subject ‘Quiz’ — letting us know if you wish to remain anonymous — before noon UK time on Tuesday.

    Get them right, and you could win a T-shirt.

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    Good luck, and Happy Easter to those who celebrate. Also, if you like quizzing reminder that tickets are on sale for our next London pub quiz, on 15 May.

  • FTAV’s further reading

    FTAV’s further reading

    FTAV’s further reading

  • Once more, why is ‘insider betting’ a thing?

    Once more, why is ‘insider betting’ a thing?

    Once more, why is ‘insider betting’ a thing?

  • Eurostat’s labour pains

    Eurostat’s labour pains

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    It could be argued that FT Alphaville disproportionately covers the Office for National Statistics. So let’s quickly talk about Eurostat instead.

    In May 2023, we wrote about how response rates to the UK’s Labour Force Survey — the big daddy of employment surveys — had dropped to near-critical levels. Lo, a few months later the series became too unreliable to publish, and we’re still waiting for a replacement.

    As we wrote at the time:

    Eurostat’s figures aren’t as easy to uncover as the ONS’s, and its press officers said they don’t track aggregate non-response data as a time series. But its latest quality report for the EU LFS (covering 2020) at least points to some of the issues that can occur.

    You might hope that, two years later, there would be more of those LFS quality reports available, with new nuggets of information about response rates.

    That would be a fool’s hope. The relevant page hasn’t been updated since March 2022.

    Alphaville emailed Eurostat to ask about this. A spokesperson told us:

    2023 and 2024 quality reports will be published, but we cannot give precise information on when this will happen.

    We asked why, and they’ve promised to get back to us when they find out a reason.

    As a result of this situation, we will not be covering Eurostat further at this time. There’s a lesson in there about transparency, but as journalists we don’t want anyone to learn it.

  • Dark days for the less-mighty dollar

    Dark days for the less-mighty dollar

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    Steven Kamin was previously head of international finance at the Federal Reserve and is now senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

    In the wake of President Trump’s initial salvo of broad-based tariffs, on 2 April, stock prices plunged, volatility as measured by the VIX index soared, and Treasury yields shot up substantially.  

    Ordinarily, these developments would be expected to buoy the value of the dollar, which is a “flight-to-safety” currency sought out by investors during times of crisis and acute uncertainty. Instead, the value of the dollar, too, plunged. In fact — relative to the predictions of a simple econometric model — the dollar fell by the greatest margin in the past four years. 

    This suggests that the turbulence in the financial markets was more than just investors getting “yippy,” in Trump’s words. It may reflect the beginnings of a serious reconsideration by global investors of the performance and management of the US economy and the dollar.

    The US dollar is the world’s most important currency. More than half of all international trade, including between non-US countries, is priced and invoiced in dollars. The lion’s share of international financial transactions are done in dollars. And nearly 60 per cent of the world’s international reserve holdings are in dollars, despite US GDP comprising only about a quarter of world income. 

    As my colleague Mark Sobel and I have explained, the dollar’s dominance derives from the strength and dynamism of the US economy, the unchallenged stature of our rule of law, the prudence of our economic policymaking and our close co-operative relations with our allies. But we have also cautioned that if the US abandons these strengths, pursuing reckless trade and fiscal policies, breaking trade agreements, bullying our allies, and undermining support for global institutions, this will encourage other countries to seek alternatives to the dollar. Trump has threatened countries with tariffs if they abandon the dollar, but nothing could accelerate that process more effectively than reckless actions against our trading partners.

    Is this process now under way? It is early days, but the financial turbulence surrounding Trump’s chaotic tariff announcements, and especially the rise in Treasury yields combined with the fall in the dollar, is not a good sign. As indicated in the chart below, a surge in financial market volatility (the VIX index) after Trump’s announcement triggered a “dash for cash” by leveraged hedge funds, fuelling a sell-off in Treasury bonds that led to soaring yields.

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    Deleveraging-driven sell-offs in the Treasury market are unusual, because the demand for safe assets such as Treasuries tends to rise during times of volatility and crisis, lowering their yields. To be sure, such episodes are not unprecedented, and a similar sell-off occurred during the March 2020 Covid-19 panic, when again both Treasury yields and the VIX soared upwards until massive intervention by the Fed managed to calm markets.

    Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.

    However, there is a notable difference between the Covid-19 panic and the Trump tariff panic. In the former episode, the dollar — being a “flight-to-safety” currency — soared alongside the VIX as markets freaked out.

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    Conversely, in recent days, the dollar appears to have failed to benefit from flight-to-safety flows, and it has fallen well below its level prior to Trump’s April 2 tariff announcement:

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    How significant is this aberration? To make a more precise assessment, we estimated a simple equation regressing the level of the dollar on the 2-year Treasury yield, the difference between the 10-year and 2-year yields, and the VIX. As shown in the table below, all three variables are highly statistically significant, and they explain 85 per cent of the variation in the dollar since 2021:

    Below is a chart comparing the actual and predicted values of the dollar. There are, of course, many misses between predicted and actual levels of the dollar, but the Trump tariff episode at the end of the sample appears to represent the largest such error. The model expects the spike in the VIX to substantially boost the dollar, but instead the dollar fell:

    Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.

    This is confirmed by a plot of the regression residuals, below. To be sure, the chart indicates serial correlation of the residuals, so the results need to be taken with a grain of salt. Even so, the miss on the dollar is extraordinarily large:

    Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.

    Does this mean the end of dollar dominance? Probably not. The pre-eminent role of the dollar in trade, international finance, and reserve holdings is hard-wired in place by network effects, institutionalised practices, and the lack of viable alternative currencies, and it will take time for them to erode. 

    But it is clear that, at least during this episode, the dollar has stopped acting like a “flight-to-safety” currency. The simultaneous rise in yields and fall in the dollar suggests a pullback from dollar assets that may reflect mounting concerns about the chaotic direction and implementation of US economic policy. 

  • FTAV’s further reading

    FTAV’s further reading

    FTAV’s further reading

  • And the FTAV charts quiz winner is . . . 

    And the FTAV charts quiz winner is . . . 

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    After a few abject quiz-difficulty failures from yours truly, it seems that last week’s instalment erred towards the easy setting. It probably helped that there was a fairly obvious theme to all of the charts.

    Which were . . . 

    The 10-year US Treasury yield in 1994, the infamous “bond massacre” that led James Carville to quip about wanting to come back as the bond market so that he could “intimidate everyone”.

    Line chart of % showing Second chart

    30-year UK gilts around the time of the LDI blow-up. Unsurprisingly, a lot of UK readers got this one.

    And finally . . . 

    Line chart of % showing Third chart

    The closest thing to a curveball in this quiz, this shows the 10-year Irish sovereign bond yield (we also accepted the eight or nine-year yield because of data shenanigans. Ireland didn’t issue 10-yrs regularly). That was a pretty pricey guarantee.

    Thankfully, quite a few people were ever-so-slightly tripped up by the different maturities used. Otherwise the list of correct guesses would have been stupidly long. But the following still managed to nail it: Henry Yates, Anthony Russo, Theo Clarke, Connor Elliott, Anthony Cheng, James Klikis, Will Moss, Henri de Laromiguière, Andrew Simmons, Ethan Levine, Sean Lightbrown, David Lynch, Connor Murtagh, Javier Martinez Pérez, Rory Boath, Sam Lee, Olly Wisking, Ziyodulla Abdullaev, Thomas Ryan and Killian Fitzgerald.

    This wasn’t quite the 39 people that once got one of Louis “Blackjack-Homer” Ashworth’s quizzes right, but it would have pipped him if more people had gotten the UK or US maturity right.

    Aaaanyway, to the Wheel of Names . . . 

    Rory Boath becomes a two-time charts quiz winner, meaning he is both clever and lucky. What more could one wish for in life?

  • ‘This is not normal’

    ‘This is not normal’

    ‘This is not normal’

  • The optimal way to bail out breaking Treasury basis trades

    The optimal way to bail out breaking Treasury basis trades

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    A few weeks ago, an interesting paper was presented at a Brookings conference. We didn’t get around to writing about it then, but it turns out that it was both fascinating and SUPER timely.

    Here is the abstract of Treasury Market Dysfunction and the Role of the Central Bank:

    We build a simple model that shows how the incentives and constraints facing three key types of market players — broker-dealers, hedge funds, and asset managers — interact to create a heightened level of fragility in the Treasury market, and how this fragility can become more pronounced as the supply of Treasury securities increases. After validating a number of the model’s empirical premises and implications, we ask what it can tell us about how the Federal Reserve might best address future episodes of market dysfunction. In so doing, we take as given that an important priority for any Fed response to Treasury-market dysfunction is that it be clearly separated from anything having to do with monetary policy.

    OK, yes, unfortunately this is written in typically obtuse academic language that seems to almost deliberately underplay its importance and the pretty novel solutions being presented.

    Basically, what Anil Kashyap, Jeremy Stein, Jonathan Wallen and Joshua Younger are arguing is that the US Treasury market has grown far larger than the ability of banks to efficiently intermediate. At the same time, there’s been a huge boom in extremely-leveraged Treasury trades by hedge funds, mostly funded by short-term wholesale lending markets, like repo (you can find a bestiary of some of these trades here).

    The combination makes the US government debt market “inherently fragile” and ramps up the danger “of market dysfunction and financial instability”, they write.

    If this sounds familiar it’s because this is precisely what it looks like has happened in the Treasury market over the past week. An exogenous shock — the Trump administration’s new tariff regime — sparked a spike in volatility that rippled through markets. Eventually it hit the Treasury market, tripping up many of these highly leveraged trades and sending yields rocketing when they would normally be falling in an environment like this.

    So far it seems the main culprit in this latest bout of Treasury turmoil might be swap spread trades rather than the Treasury basis trades that the Brookings paper mostly deals with. But the fact that Treasuries are selling off again now — despite president Trump hastily pausing his more extreme tariffs — suggests that the turbulence isn’t over, and could be morphing.

    Which is why Kashyap, Stein, Wallen and Joshua Younger’s suggestion for how the Federal Reserve can handle these kinds of Treasury tempests is so interesting — and possibly timely. Here are some of the more conventional fixes offered up since this topic erupted on the agenda after March 2020:

    1) Freeing up banks to absorb pressures by scrapping regulations like the “supplementary leverage ratio”;
    2) Imposing fixed minimum margins for repo-financed Treasury purchases to limit how much leverage can be deployed;
    3) Mandated central clearing of Treasury trades;
    4) Pushing the Treasury market towards all-to-all trading;
    4) Establishing some kind of permanent Fed repo facility for hedge funds.

    However, Kashyap et al are sceptical that any or all of these will prove sufficient when these trades are being unwound in a disorderly fashion. They point out that the Fed did temporarily exclude Treasuries from SLR calculations in March 2020, but it still took mammoth amounts of Treasury purchases to quell the turmoil.

    The paper therefore makes an alternative solution. Alphaville’s emphasis below:

    The key observation is that the fire sale by hedge funds, which in turn creates the severe strain on dealer balance sheets, is not just an outright liquidation of Treasury securities. Rather, it is an unwinding of a hedged long-cashTreasuries/short-derivatives position. Thus, to relieve the stress on dealers, it would be sufficient for the Fed to take the other side of this unwind, purchasing Treasury securities, and fully hedging this purchase with an offsetting sale of futures; this is in effect a more surgical approach to bond buying. The blunter policy of simply buying unhedged cash bonds from the dealers — i.e., taking duration risk off their hands — does not provide them with any extra relief relative to this hedged approach, as they tend not to have any duration exposure in the first place.

    In other words, the Fed would both buy Treasuries and sell futures, in practice putting on a basis trade of its own!

    A standing “basis purchase facility” may seem a bit outlandish, but as Kashyap et al point out, there are a lot of advantages to this approach, and not as big a divergence from the central bank’s long-existing operations as you might think. Alphaville’s emphasis again in bold:

    A primary advantage of the Fed taking this hedged approach to bond-buying is that it avoids the need to pre-specify an unwind date for the policy. It has been argued . . . that an important imperative for market-function bond purchases is that they be clearly distinguished from monetary-policy-motivated purchases. Duffie and Keane (2023) suggest that one way to do so is to require the central bank to commit in advance to liquidating securities when market functionality is sufficiently restored.

    However, it can be challenging for the central bank to commit in advance to a fixed schedule for liquidating bonds, to the extent that it does not know how long a period of market stress will last. Our hedged-purchase approach effectively finesses this problem by embedding the duration-neutrality, and hence the crucial distinction from monetary policy, in the short derivatives position. This eliminates the need for the Fed to specify when it will begin selling bonds and allows it to keep helping with market function for as long as needed, without inadvertently generating any signal about the stance of monetary policy.

    Shorting futures alongside purchases of bonds is also consistent with the Fed’s current playbook. The Fed regularly engages in repo transactions, either through standing facilities or temporary open market operations. Like the closing leg of a repo, futures represent a contractual agreement to sell securities on a future date at a price agreed to at the time of trade. Basis trades of the sort we have in mind involve a spot purchase and future sale. This makes them conceptually very similar to repo transactions, with the key difference between the two being different counterparties for the purchase and sale.

    The obvious rejoinder to this is to point out that this is basically a hedge fund bailout facility — transforming an implicit assumption that the Fed would step in if Treasury markets are breaking into an explicit, formal promise.

    This is an obvious moral hazard. Emboldened by knowing that the Fed would pick up their basis trades if things break bad, hedge funds could pursue the strategy with even more reckless zeal.

    The paper has two rejoinders to this. The first is that moral hazard is already an issue, thanks to the Fed’s previous actions, and that basis trade purchases are at least duration-neutral and therefore less distortive. The second is a bit more subtle:

    Suppose hedge funds conjecture that the Fed will step in with certainty and take the arbitrage trade off their hands when the spread widens by a given amount. With this source of tail risk eliminated, we might expect them to trade more aggressively ex-ante. In the limit where they become risk neutral and there is perfect competition, this more aggressive behavior will drive the Treasury-futures basis x, and hence expected hedge fund profits, to zero.

    It is of course true that there will still be states of the world where the Fed has to take over a potentially large hedge-fund book, but if the Fed is perfectly hedged with respect to interest rate risk, and given that it can never be forced out of its position prematurely, the social cost of having to assume this hedged position is arguably negligible. Thus in this limit case, the policy creates no distortions with respect to the pricing of interest-rate risk, eliminates hedge-fund arbitrage profits, and imposes no costs on the Fed or society as a whole. In other words, there is no moral hazard effect to speak of.

    How likely is this? We have no clue. But Stein is a former Fed governor, Younger is a former senior policy adviser at the New York Fed, and all the authors are all highly respected and influential in their fields. If you want more on the topic, here is Kashyap presenting the paper at the Brookings conference:

  • FTAV’s Friday charts quiz

    FTAV’s Friday charts quiz

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    What a week! Anyway, here are three new charts that you have to correctly identify for a groovy “I ❤️ Charts” T-shirt that is perfect for a springtime flex in the park.

    Email [email protected] with your guesses by midday CEST on Monday — remembering to put SALAH in the subject line — and we’ll draw a winner from the pot of correct ones. We usually name everyone who gets all three right, so let us know if you’d prefer to stay anonymous.

    Line chart of % showing Second chart
    Line chart of % showing Third chart

    Good luck!